The controversial documentary Blood Coal Money was promoted on a London bus.
The document makes much of the juxtaposition between the harsh conditions of workers in Siberia and the gilded lifestyle enjoyed by Shchukina, who runs an art gallery in Mayfair. We toil for black bread in Siberia, it states above a photograph of weary-looking miners. Meanwhile in Mayfair, the daughter of [Shchukin] is feasting, it adds, explaining that a single glass of wine at Shchukinas favourite restaurant can apparently cost 850 nearly FIVE times the miners monthly pension.
Shchukina and her husband are no strangers to such attacks. Earlier this year they found themselves the subject of an extraordinary film, produced to accompany
, which made outlandish claims about the relationship between the secret intelligence service, MI6, and Uzbekov. The London premiere promoted on a London bus was cancelled when Uzbekov brought libel proceedings, one of many he has pursued in recent years as he engages in what oligarchs call lawfare legal action against assorted enemies in multiple jurisdictions. In a strange twist of life mirroring art, the putative guest list for the films premiere, seen by the Blood, Coal Money Observer, indicates that the films makers had intended to invite the McMafia actor, James Norton, and the journalist on whose book the series was based, Misha Glenny.
Shortly after her speech to parliamentarians, in which she called on the British and Russian authorities to coordinate an investigation into her brothers disappearance, Anna Lazarevich was introduced to the
Observer by Sans Frontires, the PR firm set up by the late spin guru, Lord Bell, who promised to put the newspaper in touch with several of her powerful supporters.
At one stage this newspaper was promised an interview, though the offer was later withdrawn, with Stanislav Antipin, the first secretary at the Russian embassy in London.
Antipin was not the only Kremlin advocate raising concerns about Lazarevichs disappearance. Alexander Korobko, a Russian journalist who wrote a favourable biography of President Putin and directed a documentary-style film exonerating
Andrei Lugovoi, chief suspect in the poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko, was also on the Lazarevich campaign.
So too was Dr Andrei Liakhov, a well-connected former Russian military officer who was injured in a chemical-weapons attack in Afghanistan, and who, during an interview with the
Observer, held up his mobile phone to reveal that it apparently contained a number for President Putin. You only ring this number when you have something to say, Liakhov explained.
Liakhov told the
Observer he had become involved in the campaign because he believed in getting justice for Lazarevich, not because he was being paid. Korobko, too, claims to have been paid only a nominal fee. The son of a miner, he apparently wanted to help the Lazarevich family.
Their efforts attracted the interest of Lib Dem peer Lord Razzall, who agreed to host the Westminster dinner at which Anna Lazarevich spoke, and Tory MP Sir Henry Bellingham. Bellingham pledged to take up the case. We need to reset the dial on the relationship between the UK and Russia, he told the
Observer in May.
Annas story about her brothers disappearance was crucial in winning the politicians support. I came out of the meeting with Anna Lazarevich very impressed and just wanted to see justice done, Bellingham said. He urged the UK to use the National Crime Agency to track or chase any illicit funds attached to this criminal case. Razzall also wanted the NCA involved.
But by June things were starting to unravel. A treasure trove of purportedly hacked emails, leaked to journalists, raised troubling questions about the true intentions of those behind the campaign which, it emerged, had a codename Project Pike
shchuka meaning pike in Russian.
One email exchange revealed that those pushing the campaign insisted on paying Sans Frontires only if the PR firm succeeded in getting stories into the media to promote the anti-Shchukin documentary.
Sans Frontires says that it refused the demands. But emails show the firm did draw up an indicative price list, charging 40,000 for a story placement in a Tier 1 or national news publication in the UK and 50,000 for any video featured in a Tier 1 broadcaster. Clips uploaded to YouTube were priced at 5,000. The firm insists no payment was ever received and the project to promote the documentary never got off the ground.
Then a murky story that had mutated from a quest for justice to one about black propaganda became murkier still. It transpired that some of the hacked emails were fake. Others contained false information.
One such email purportedly showed an aide to Chris Bryant, the Labour MP who formerly
chaired the all-party parliamentary group on Russia, organising an event to discuss what action the UK could take against Shchukin and Uzbekov. But no email was written. Scotland Yard is now investigating.
Another email, purportedly sent by Liakhov, suggested that he, Bellingham and Ben Wallace, the then security minister, had participated in an hour-long teleconference after which the cabinet had come to view the campaign against Uzbekov and his wife as a pilot project for using
Unexplained Wealth Orders to cleanse the United Kingdom of unwanted residents. But no such teleconference took place. And there was no cabinet backing for the plan.
While the motivation behind making these false claims is unclear, we are alive to the potential for disinformation to be used by powerful individuals, some countries and other sources to undermine confidence in the UK government and its policies, a Home Office spokeswoman said as the contents of the leaked emails found their way into newspapers, triggering fears that British parliamentarians were being targeted by Russians with close links to the Kremlin.
The Mayfair art dealer, Elena Shchukina, and husband Ildar Uzbekov. Her father, the mining magnate Alexander Shchukin, was charged with extortion and is currently under house arrest in Russia. Photograph: Heathcliff OMalley/Camera Press/Telegraph
Suddenly those behind the
Blood Coal Money campaign were on the defensive, forced to answer questions about their true motives and their real source of funding. Claims that the grassroots campaign was crowdfunded on behalf of Siberian coalminers wanting justice for the Lazarevich family looked increasingly far-fetched, especially when it emerged its website had been registered by a London-based fixer with business links to Russia. At one stage, the Observer understands, the same fixer planned to hire a flashmob to protest outside Elena Shchukinas art gallery. There was also talk of daubing it in animal blood.
Observer met Uzbekov in the exclusive Mayfair club Annabels, his favoured London haunt where a wagu beef cheeseburger (without chips) costs 28, he seemed sanguine about the campaign being conducted against him and his father-in-law. Uzbekov suggested it was being waged by an oligarch close to Putin and several other powerful Russian businessmen, including a former senior KGB officer. Hit me with an Unexplained Wealth Order, Uzbekov shrugged. It will be the shortest investigation in history.
The true aim of the black propaganda campaign against him, his wife and his father-in-law, he suggested, was to wrest control of their family trust in Cyprus and its ownership of the Polosukhinskaya coalmine, a cash cow that produces earnings of $100m a year, paying tens of millions of dollars in taxes to the Russian authorities; all, he insisted, meticulously documented.
The trusts creation was an insurance policy, codenamed French Fish, a play on Project Pike, said Uzbekov who travels around London in a bulletproof Range Rover and has filed complaints to the police in Cyprus, Monaco and London about attempts made on his life. It was designed for two eventualities Shchukin being arrested and Shchukin being killed, he said. There are no shareholders in the trust. So who are you going to put in prison? Who are you going to shoot? You can hold a gun to my head, I cant do anything. This, he suggested, had compelled Shchukins enemies to find alternative means of acquiring the trusts assets: the story of Lazarevichs disappearance was merely the opening of another front in the campaign, the movement of another piece across the chessboard.
The Russian billionaire Alexander Shchukin who was arrested in 2016 for allegedly extorting shares in Inskoy coal mine in Siberia.
Shchukin was questioned, Uzbekov said. There are no facts or proof of any involvement of his. Detectives consider Lazarevichs stance against [illegal] black mining [perpetrated by criminal gangs] as the key element of the investigation.
Cryptically, he added: The police know who did it. They have the suspect under 24-hour surveillance. The reason I am aware of that is because at one stage it was considered by the local police that my murder was being discussed by the very same people.
He spoke as if such matters were normal before acknowledging he could see no end to the propaganda war being waged for control of the coalmine. Of course this will escalate, he added. We will escalate this. Because everywhere you look you find dirt.
Through the window behind him Berkeley Square was alive in the lunchtime sun. The exclusive restaurants, estate agents and car dealerships all beneficiaries of the huge amounts of Russian wealth that have flowed into the capital since the 90s seemed to be doing brisk trade.
Meanwhile, 3,500 miles away in Siberia, a mining magnate remains under arrest for extortion, the case against him advancing at a glacial pace, while four daughters are minus a father. Whatever Project Pike had hoped to achieve, its hit stalemate.